The stakes for the two parties are indeed very high. Being nice to other parties is not among Mr Modi’s core strengths and he would rather continue to be in the Ekla Chalo Re mould. Additionally, despite the Modi wave, the BJP won two seats less in 2014 than its tally in 2009. This showed Mr Modi’s relatively poorer popularity in the South.Prime Minister Narendra Modi (Photo: PTI)The outcome of the last China guide post guide sleeves factory 10 days of campaigning for the Karnataka Assembly elections will cast considerable light on how the Lok Sabha polls may play out whenever they are held, in April-May 2019 or earlier.
The verdict in Karnataka will demonstrate if Indian voters are still handing out decisive mandates or if the outcome in Gujarat was not an aberration, instead marking the return of closer contests even in bipolar states. Deve Gowda — and a similar response — must be read against this backdrop. Already, its wooing of Mr Deve Gowda stands in sharp contrast to the BJP’s deteriorating ties with its allies.So far, the Congress in Karnataka has disallowed any “nationalisation” of the election, contesting it on local issues. The moot question is whether voters continue viewing elections as a “referendum” of sorts on Mr Modi and his claims/promises or if they are willing to return to the era of “non-national” polls.
Karnataka has been the BJP’s gateway to the South since 1991 and it cannot afford the door being shut on it. In Karnataka, this was attempted over two years on the legacy of Tipu Sultan, but sensing the state icon’s religious identity not having the capacity to whip up prejudice towards Muslims, the issue has been underplayed during elections.